The Socialist Equality Party, which is owned and operated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, recently launched a presidential campaign. It should come as no surprise to Americans that in a country where influence on the presidential elections is not a matter of opinion but money that the FBI’s own agents are running under the guise of a Trotskyist party for Presidency.

The aim of the Socialist Equality Party (hereinafter SEP) in the United States of America is not for the sake of establishing ‘objective consciousness’ within the working class, fighting for the independent mobilization of the working class, or building a mass party of the working class that seeks to overthrow capitalism in an effort to transform the world’s economy from one based on profit to need. The aim of the Socialist Equality Party is a carefully executed scheme of political oppression designed to sabotage the workers in America at every turn of the bend so that the party can gaslight its own sabotage as a betrayals on the WSWS.

The SEP is at the tip of the spear with respect to worker struggles, analyzing contract renewals from the top to the bottom well before these contract renewals take the shape of a worker struggle in the form of a single voice, a couple of workers, a coalition of workers, or unions. If there is a union, the SEP utilizes its backdoor connections to the union bureaucracy for its scheme, as has been exemplified in the so-called ‘all-out‘ strike the UAW planned for workers at the Big Three.

The SEP’s platform for programming the termination of a worker struggle in a dead end is really simple. Prior to the beginning of a worker struggle, the SEP operates on two levels. Outwardly, the SEP denounces the body that represents workers at a specific job site such as preparing to sabotage worker demands; behind the scenes, however, the SEP works closely with an array of law enforcement agencies to determine how to program the struggle, considering such questions as which people to select (i.e., for rank-and-file committees), whether workers at other plants owned by the same company should be included, whether or what type of contract should be the starting point for negotiations. With the selections specified, the SEP encourages worker action (i.e., a picket, a stand-up, a strike) but only with everything under control.

It must be emphasized that the array of law enforcement agencies with which the SEP works to ensure ‘everything is under control’ have literal access to virtually every single aspect of a worker’s life. One of the agencies with which the SEP works is the NSA. If a worker, for instance, at a factory does not cooperate with the SEP’s schemes, the SEP can merely ask the NSA to sink its fangs into the worker’s neck, at which point the worker’s entire life becomes exposed. The NSA can access the devices on his or her person, at home, or in the workplace; it can obtain access to his or her text messages, telephone calls or GPS signals, if he or she plans to use a phone for labor resistance. If he or she uses a telephone a lot, then the NSA can obtain a life’s history of geolocations. If, for instance, the worker likes a specific bar, the NSA will be able to uncover that easily by examining a life’s history of geolocations. These geolocations are a part of a collated database, existing next to facial recognition as well as license plate scanning at traffic lights across the country. If the worker has firearms, they will have a list of each and every firearm; if he went to gun stores, then they will have a list of each and every gun store. The NSA can listen to the worker’s conversations at home; if there is a marital problem, the NSA can easily prepare that problem for exploitation, which is well documented in books such as Unamerican Activities. The NSA passes the worker’s entire life over to the SEP who has the power at that point to plan operations with the FBI to ensure the worker is oppressed, silenced, or destroyed. Obtaining control over access to information about a worker’s life is the first step-not the last step-towards drafting, planning, or executing specific ‘special operations’ to destroy the disobedient worker’s life. These operations can interfere with marriages, custody, child support; they can seek to impose a lifetime ban on AirBNB, if the worker makes money on the platform; they can interfere with existing jobs, as no company is ready to stop the SEP or the FBI from oppressing, silencing, or destroying a disobedient worker’s life.

To emphasize how pernicious these invasions of privacy truly are, on at least one occasion the SEP sought to capture the seething discontent workers were expected to express on a Zoom call so that the algorithms, many of which are extremely sophisticated in terms of conversational insight, could capture specific pieces of information about the recorded conference call. If anyone in America is concerned about the development of a police state, then analyzing a recorded conference call for workers after the imposition of a sellout contract ought come across as an overt act of surveillance. The SEP, for instance, scheduled a conference call with workers from Yellow one hour before the Teamsters canceled a strike over the company’s non-payment of pensions to capture ‘vital worker response intel.’

Against the background of “everything under control,” the spectacle for ‘worker resistance’ unfolds so that as the pre-determined contract for the starting point of negotiations is discussed openly at the workplace, in the media, or across the nation, the SEP steps into the foray to denounce the contracts as ‘sellouts.’ In some cases, a gauge is twisted, knob turned, or switch flipped to change minutiae in the contracts so that workers are made to feel as though they had actually made a difference on the outcome of contractual negotiations. These small gains are then highlighted in the SEP’s denunciations as pennies on the dollar, a free copay, or virtually nothing after an adjustment for inflation. In a refrain reverberating throughout publications on the WSWS, the SEP concludes at the end of these worker actions that the workers must break through the ‘straight jacket’ of unionism to assert their demands over the capitalists.

It is only recently that the SEP’s platform has begun to collapse under the weight of ever widening worker struggles, allowing the party to be exposed for what it truly is. The number of labor dispute has risen significantly, as a result of America’s geopolitical standing. Due to the number of collectivized worker struggles, the rare occasion in the past when workers resisted the imposition of a ‘sellout’ contract only seldomly, has become now all too commonplace. The party’s simple formula for attributing the failure to negotiate for more than a ‘sellout’ contract has now been stretched thin across multiple instances of ever increasing worker resistance. The so-called ‘all-out’ strike with the UAW became a case in point for the history of ‘general’ strikes. The SEP’s formula no longer applied so a new concoction such as an ‘all-out’ strike had to be devised, allowing some but not all the workers to strike so that the stop-gap on the strike became including some but not all the workers, shifting the focus away from widening the struggle from workplace to workplace, from workers at one company to another (i.e., a general strike).

On the basis of these activities, special agent Jerry White from the Federal Bureau of Investigation seeks to advance his campaign for the Presidency. Americans, who are not really interested in worker rights but are concerned for the nation’s democracy, its Constitution, or its government’s wellbeing, should be shocked to learn that the FBI, which is not only Constitutionally baseless but operates in the complete absence of any rights for political activism whatsoever, is running its own candidates for the Office of the Presidency in the 2024 election. Isn’t that an anathema to our nation’s commitment to democracy?